Those on the right are also more keen on the U. Similarly, the U. Across 25 countries where the question was asked, most say that the U. But shifts, especially in Europe, show that people are more critical of the civil liberties record under President Trump than under prior administrations.
Europeans, along with Canadians and Mexicans, are the most skeptical that the U. Poles, Hungarians and Italians buck the European sentiment, with more than half in each country saying the U. In the Asia-Pacific nations surveyed, most people think the U. Australia is the exception, with about half saying that the U. There has been a notable decline in European faith that the U.
In fact, among the 10 European countries surveyed, in all but Greece there has been a significant decline in those saying the U. Looking back over the past few years, far fewer people across the countries surveyed say the U.
In fact, in 17 of the countries surveyed in both and , there has been a significant downward shift in the share saying the U. Only one country, Tunisia, has seen an improvement. Views on whether the U. The shift began in the sixth year of the Obama administration, after the National Security Agency spying scandal , but it has accelerated this past year. Since , there has been a large increase in sentiment across these five countries that the U.
When it comes to U. The view that the U. In the Asia-Pacific region, opinion is more evenly divided between those who say the U. In Indonesia and the Philippines, the prevailing view is that the level of U. Israel is the most convinced that the global role of the U. In the three Latin American countries surveyed, roughly half or more say that U. Views of American involvement in global solutions differ greatly depending on expressed confidence in President Trump.
In 17 of the 25 countries surveyed, people who do not trust Trump to do the right thing in world affairs are significantly more likely than those who have confidence in him to say that the U.
In fact, majorities across Europe, and in neighboring Canada and Mexico, say that the U. It is more cozy laughing , less restrictive And he said, 'Oh Canada! Y'all get snow up there. Shopping malls, meals, people, cars. We in Europe have smaller things What I liked when I was over there was the service level, it was very high.
But people expect to be tipped so that is why they are so services-minded. Their approach is different from ours She was a happy person, better than my Chinese roommate The American was easy to talk with and we had a lot of things in common. She believed that the people's voice should be heard.
He also emptied my friend's fridge, saying he's used to eating and drinking whenever he feels hungry or thirsty. And he drank tap water If we ask for a high price, they don't bargain. They're calm and kind and friendly and they like to smile. I've seen that many times they are very charismatic, friendly but that does not mean that they share the political thinking of the United States government. They just like speaking their mind, which is a reason that I don't feel quite comfortable going around with Americans.
Interpersonal relations among Americans are much more practical, in contrast to the complicated way that we Chinese people treat each other. Even in previous moments of American vulnerability, Washington reigned supreme.
Whatever moral or strategic challenge it faced, there was a sense that its political vibrancy matched its economic and military might, that its system and its democratic culture were so deeply rooted that it could always regenerate itself. It was as if the very idea of America mattered, an engine driving it on, whatever other glitches existed under the hood. Now something appears to be changing. America seems mired, its very ability to rebound in question.
A new power has emerged on the world stage to challenge American supremacy—China—with a weapon the Soviet Union never possessed: mutually assured economic destruction. China, unlike the Soviet Union, is able to offer a measure of wealth, vibrancy, and technological advancement—albeit not yet to the same level as the United States—while protected by a silk curtain of Western cultural and linguistic incomprehension.
In contrast, if America were a family, it would be the Kardashian clan, living its life in the open glare of a gawping, global public—its comings and goings, flaws and contradictions, there for all to see. Today, from the outside, it looks as if this strange, dysfunctional, but highly successful upstart of a family were suffering a sort of full-scale breakdown; what made that family great is apparently no longer enough to prevent its decline.
The U. Driving to meet a friend here in London as the protests first erupted in the States, I passed a teenager in a basketball jersey with Jordan 23 emblazoned on the back; I noticed it because my wife and I had been watching The Last Dance on Netflix, a documentary about an American sports team, on an American streaming platform. In the weeks since, protesters have marched in London, Berlin, Paris, Auckland, and elsewhere in support of Black Lives Matter, reflecting the extraordinary cultural hold the U.
Since the initial outpouring of support for Floyd, the spotlight has turned inward here in Europe. A statue of an old slave trader was torn down in Bristol, while one of Winston Churchill was vandalized with the word racist in London. In Belgium, protesters targeted memorials to Leopold II, the Belgian king who made Congo his own genocidal private property. The spark may have been lit in America, but the global fires are being kept alive by the fuel of national grievances.
For the United States, this cultural dominance is both an enormous strength and a subtle weakness. It draws in talented outsiders to study, build businesses, and rejuvenate itself, molding and dragging the world with it as it does, influencing and distorting those unable to escape its pull.
Yet this dominance comes with a cost: The world can see into America, but America cannot look back. And today, the ugliness that is on display is amplified, not calmed, by the American president. To understand how this moment in U. All of this is happening in the final year of the first term of the most chaotic, loathed, and disrespected president in modern American history. Blair and others were also quick to point to the extraordinary depth of American power that remained regardless of who was in the White House, as well as the structural problems faced by China, Europe, and other geopolitical rivals.
After almost four years of the Trump presidency, European diplomats, officials, and politicians are to varying degrees shocked, appalled, and scared. They have also been unable to offer an alternative to American power and leadership, nor much of a response to some of the fundamental complaints consistent to both Trump and his Democratic challenger for the presidency, Joe Biden: European free riding, the strategic threat from China, and the need to tackle Iranian aggression.
Read: Why America resists learning from other countries. Michel Duclos, a former French ambassador to Syria who served at the United Nations during the Iraq War, and who now works as a special adviser to the Paris-based think tank Institut Montaigne, told me the nadir of American prestige has, until now, been the revelations of torture and abuse inside the Abu Ghraib prison near Baghdad in Concerns about racial injustice fit into a broader pattern of decline in the belief that the U.
We first saw a decrease on this measure between and , as news broke about Edward Snowden and National Security Agency surveillance around the world. We saw further declines in following protests in Ferguson, Missouri , in response to the police killing of Michael Brown in August And we observed continuing erosion on this measure through , the last time the question was asked.
Findings from Canada, Germany and South Korea illustrate key patterns in how foreign publics view the U. In the more than three years since Trump first took office, views have slowly shifted, but sees the lowest ratings for the U. Across the European countries surveyed, support for right-wing populist parties is related to ratings of the U. In Germany, people who have a favorable view of the right-wing Alternative for Germany AfD are much more likely than those with an unfavorable view of the party to have a positive opinion of the U.
They are also more likely to believe that the U. South Korea has seen a steep decline in favorable views of the U. At the same time, trust in the U. Pew Research Center surveys have found mixed or relatively negative views of the U. In the current survey, views of the U. Many in Australia and Japan have an unfavorable opinion of the U. The current survey shows a substantial dip in ratings of the U. Every other country surveyed in both years saw a decrease of between 12 and 18 percentage points since the previous year.
Favorable views of the U. A larger share of Spaniards view the U. Positive views of the U. However, Spain and Italy had less positive views of the U. Favorable opinions were also lower in South Korea in the same year. In every country surveyed, men have a more positive assessment of the U. In all European countries surveyed, views of the U. Consistent with the right-wing populist party findings, people who place themselves on the right of the ideological spectrum in general have a more positive view of the U.
This ideological divide is particularly large in Spain and South Korea, where there is a roughly 30 percentage point difference between the two groups. This pattern mirrors the findings of previous surveys, where those on the right have generally viewed the U. In , U. Overall, few assess the American response to the coronavirus outbreak positively. In no country surveyed do more than a fifth think the U.
0コメント